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NEW YORK : 
THE AMERICAN NEWS COMPANY. 

1885. 




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Copyrighted, 1885, 

BY 

Carl Schurz. 



GIFT 

■RS. WOODROW WILSON 

NOV. 25, 1939 



- 









INTRODUCTION. 

Twice during- the last twenty years I had occasion to 
travel extensively over the Southern States, and to be- 
come acquainted with their condition. In 1865, a few 
months after the close of the civil war, I visited all of 
them, except Texas and Florida, and last winter all of 
them, except Mississippi. Each time I came into contact 
with a great many persons of all shades of social position 
and of political opinion. I improved my opportunities 
of inquirv and observation to the best of my ability. My 
object was, not to verify the correctness of preconceived 
notions, but to gain, by impartial investigation, a true 
view of things. Of the view thus obtained these pages 
are to give a brief and plain account. 

c. s. 

New York, April, 1885. 



/ 




THE NEW SOUTH. 

In 1865, immediately after the close of the civil war, 
Southern society presented the spectacle of what might 
be called a state of dissolution. The Southern armies 
had just been disbanded, and the soldiers, after four 
years of fierce fighting, had returned home to shift for 
themselves. The Southern country was utterly exhausted 
by the war. Even where there had been no actual de- 
vastation, the product of labor had, ever since the spring 
of 1 86 1, been mostly devoted to the support of armies in 
the field, that is, economically speaking, wasted. The 
money in the hands of the people had become entirely 
valueless. Thus the people were fearfully impoverished. 
The slaves who had constituted almost the whole agri- 
cultural working force of the South, had been set free all 
at once. The first and very natural impulse of a large 
number of them was to test their freedom by quitting 
work and wandering away from the plantations. The 
country roads swarmed with them, and with a vague an- 
ticipation of a great jubilee they congregated in the 
towns. Thus the South was not only in distress and 
want, but the complete breaking up of the old labor 
system and the difficulty of getting to work on a new 
basis, made the prospect of recovery extremely dark. 
The negroes behaved on the whole very good-naturedly. 
There were few, if any, criminal excesses on their part, 
except pig and chicken stealing. But the negro did not 
know yet what to do with his freedom, and the whites 
had not learned yet how to treat the negroes as freemen. 
The former masters were easily infuriated at the new airs 
of their former slaves, and resorted to all sorts of means 
to make them work. A great many acts of violence 



6 

were committed by whites on blacks. But for the inter- 
position of the national power much more blood would have 
flown, and the South might have become the theatre of 
protracted and disastrous convulsions. The Freedmen's 
Bureau, an institution which subsequently became dis- 
credited by abuses creeping into it, did at the beginning 
most valuable service in evolving some order from the 
prevailing chaos, and in preventing more serious catas- 
trophes. The passions of the war were still burning 
fiercely, and the restored Union which manifested itself 
to the defeated Southerners only in the shape of victori- 
ous " Yankee soldiers " and liberated negro slaves, was at 
that time still heartily detested. 

The contrast between the condition of things existing 
then and that existing now, cannot well be appreciated 
without a review of the developments which have brought 
,it forth. No greater misfortune could, in my opinion, 
have happened to the South at that time than the death 
of Mr. Lincoln. He was the only man who, taking the 
perplexing problem of reconstruction into his hand, would 
have stood between the North and the South, looked up 
to with equal confidence by both. His moderation and 
charity would not have aroused suspicion at the North, 
nor would his tenacity of purpose with regard to emanci- 
pation and the rights of the negro have appeared vindic- 
tive to the South. He could have prevented the passions 
of the war from disturbing the work of peace. While 
thus President Lincoln would have been the best man for 
the business of reconstruction, President Johnson was, 
perhaps, the worst imaginable. During and immediately 
after the war his uppermost thought was that treason 
must be made odious by punishing the traitors. But a 
few months after his accession to the presidency he in- 
sisted with equal vehemence that the government of the 
late insurgent States, then in a state of dangerous con- 
fusion, must be virtually turned over to the same class of 
men whom but recently he had denounced as traitors fit 
to be hanged. His ill-balanced mind was incapable of 
seeing that what might be wisdom some time afterwards, 
was folly then. The passionate temper with which he 
plunged into a bitter quarrel with Congress and the 



Republican party about these questions, produced two 
most unfortunate effects. The minds of Southern men 
were turned away from the only thing that could put 
them on the road of peace, order, and new prosperity, 
namely, a prompt and sincere accommodation of their 
thoughts and endeavors to the new order of things. They 
were made to delude themselves instead with the false 
hope of reversing in some way the emancipation of the 
slaves, at least partially, by legislative contrivances — 
their false hopes begetting false efforts in many directions, 
and these efforts leading to bitter, futile, and wasteful 
struggles, which the poor South might and should have 
been spared. And secondly, Mr. Johnson's proceedings 
made the Northern people seriously afraid of a disloyal 
pro-slavery reaction in the South. He irritated the majority 
in Congress by defiant demonstrations, and thus he caused 
the most intricate problem of the time to become the sub- 
ject of a passionate party broil, which seemed to render 
men heedless as to the consequences of their doings. The 
Republican majority in Congress, thinking itself betrayed 
by the President, went faster and farther in their measures 
to protect the rights of the freedmen, and to procure 
loyal majorities in the Southern States, than they might 
have thought necessary to do had they not distrusted the 
Executive. And on the other hand, Mr. Johnson, by in- 
temperate utterances, stirred up opposition in the South 
to the measures enacted by Congress. Negro suffrage 
was introduced, instantaneous and general, thus thrust- 
ing a mass of ignorance as an active element into the 
body politic, while at the same time a large number of 
those who had taken a more or less prominent part in the 
rebellion, constituting the bulk of the property and intel- 
ligence of the South, were disfranchised and debarred 
from active participation in public affairs. 

I do not say this to criticise the reconstruction meas- 
ures in general. I have always believed that they were 
adopted from good motives and for good purposes ; that 
in the light of history some of them appear ill-judged, 
but that reconstruction was one of those tangled prob- 
lems in solving which any policy that may be adopted 
will in some way bring forth unsatisfactory conse- 



8 

quences, and in some respects look like a mistake. Here 
were a number of insurgent communities just recon- 
quered by force of arms; in them four millions of ne- 
groes liberated from slavery by the government against 
the will of their former masters ; that former master 
class exasperated by defeat and material distress, 
and face to face with the former slaves ; these elements, 
with a fierce and apparently irreconcilable antagonism 
between them, to be brought into peaceful and mutu- 
ally beneficial relations under a new order of things, 
so that the weaker might be permanently safe in 
the presence of the stronger. That was the perplex- 
ing task to be accomplished. Was it to be done by the 
constant interposition of a superior power ? That would 
have been putting of! indefinitely the restoration of local 
self-srovernment in the Southern States. Was it to be 
done by at once restoring the States to their functions, 
leaving all the political power in them exclusively in the 
hands of the whites? That would have been surren- 
dering the late slaves, emancipated by the act of the na- 
tional government, helpless to the mercy of their former 
masters, whose natural desire at the time was to reduce 
them to slavery again. Was it to be done by arming 
the late slaves with political rights so as to give them 
the means of self-protection, and by curtailing at the 
same time the political rights of the late master class, so 
as to weaken their means of aggression? That would 
expose those States to all the evils of a rule of igno- 
rance. Thus neither of these systems, nor any mixing of 
them, could in all respects have worked satisfactorily as 
to immediate consequences. But here I have to do only 
with actual results. 

The great mass of negro voters fell promptly into the 
hands of more or less selfish and unscrupulous leaders, 
and the scandals of the so-called carpet-bag governments 
followed. The Southern whites might, perhaps, have ex- 
ercised a stronger influence for good upon the negroes 
had they at once frankly and cordially accepted the new 
order of things. But the old passions and prejudices did 
not yield so quickly, and, moreover, I repeat, President 
Johnson's ill-advised doings had inspired them with de- 



9 

lusive hopes of some sort of reaction. It would be wrong 
to class all who during that period — from the close of the 
war until 1877 — acted as Republican leaders in the South 
among - the demagogues and scoundrels. There were 
Very honorable and patriotic men among them. But on 
the whole, the corruption and public robbery going on 
under those governments can hardly be exaggerated. A 
mimicry of legislation, carried on by negroes, in part 
moderately educated, in part mere plantation hands, and 
led in many cases by adventurers bent upon filling their 
pockets quickly — that was for years what they had of 
government in several Southern States. 

This, of course, could not last long. A change was 
sure to come. Unfortunately, the carpet-bag govern- 
ments were, in a measure, sustained by party spirit in 
Congress, while, on the other hand, the reaction against 
them in the South took a lawless character. The Kuklux 
organization was first started for the suppression of dis- 
order, and then became itself an element of lawlessness. 
Efforts were made to overcome the negro majorities by 
terrorism. Negroes who were politically active, suffered 
cruel maltreatment. A good many murders occurred. 
No doubt, of the " Southern outrage " stories, some were 
manufactured for political effect in the North, but others 
were unquestionably founded on truth. When the na- 
tional Government ceased to uphold the carpet-bag gov- 
ernments by force of arms, the " Southern outrages " of 
the bloody kind gradually ceased. But the efforts to 
keep the negroes from exercising political control con- 
tinued, although by different means. Force was sup- 
planted by ruse. In some places negro majorities were 
overcome by tissue ballots. In others, registration was 
made difficult. In others, the voting places were so ar- 
ranged as to put the negroes at a disadvantage. In 
others, where many offices were voted for at the same 
time, it was provided by law that there should be a sepa- 
rate ballot-box for each office, and that ballots put by 
voters into the wrong boxes should not be counted, the 
effect of which was that persons unable to read, and thus 
to identify the boxes, would be apt to lose their votes — an 
arrangement working somewhat like a disqualification of 



10 

illiterates. In still other places efforts were made to influ- 
ence the negro vote as it is influenced here and there in 
the North. Thus, while at the beginning of the recon- 
struction period the negroes were enfranchised and a 
large number of whites disfranchised by law, which 
brought forth Republican majorities and the carpet-bag 
governments, subsequently the negro vote was in a large 
measure neutralized, first by force, and then by trickery, 
thus by means wrong in themselves and eventually de- 
moralizing in effect, making Democratic majorities to put 
an end to the carpet-bag governments, prevent the re- 
turn of negro domination, and secure honesty in the 
administration of public affairs. 

There has been, concerning these facts, much crimina- 
tion and recrimination between the North and the South, 
partly just and partly unjust. " By your reconstruction 
acts," said the South, " you subjected us to the rule 
of ignorant and brutal negroes led by rapacious advent- 
urers, who mercilessly plundered us at the time when 
the South, exhausted and impoverished, was most in need 
of intelligent and honest government." " We could not 
help that," answered the North, " for we were in justice 
bound not to leave the emancipated negro helpless at the 
mercy of his former master; we had to arm him with 
rights, and if you had been in our places, you, as an hon- 
orable people, would have been bound to do, and would 
have done, the same thing." " You have terrorized 
voters," said the North, " and controlled the ballot box 
by force and fraud, and thus got political power which 
did not belong to you." " We could not help that," 
answered the South, " for the government of combined 
ignorance and rapacious rascality stripped us naked, and 
threatened us with complete ruin. No people could have 
endured this. We had to get rid of negro domination at 
any cost, and if you had been in our places you would 
have done the same thing." 

While this discussion was going on, a non-political but 
most powerful influence asserted itself. The Southern 
people got to work again. Immediately after the war 
the average Southerner was laboring under the impres- 
sion that the emancipation of the slaves had brought the 



11 

whole economic machinery of the South to a complete 
stand-still, and that, unless some system of compulsory 
labor were restored, there was nothing but starvation and 
ruin in the future. Encouraged by President Johnson's 
erratic manifestations, he made all sorts of reactionary 
attempts, but failed. He had, after all, to try what 
could be done under the new order of things, and he 
did try. Gradually he discovered that the negro as a free 
man would work better than had been anticipated. He 
discovered also that white men could, and under the pres- 
sure of circumstances would, do many kinds of work to 
which formerly they had not taken kindly and readily. 
As work proved productive, hope revived, and, with 
hope, energy and enterprise. The Southern man became 
aware that his salvation did not depend upon a reversal 
of the new order of things, but upon a wise development 
of it. He found that this new order of things was open- 
ing new opportunities, and calling into action new ener- 
gies. So his thoughts were more and more withdrawn 
from the past, with its struggles and divisions and resent- 
ments, and turned upon the present and future with their 
common interests, hopes, and aspirations. While the 
professional politicians of the two sections were still 
storming at one another, the farmers, and the merchants, 
and the manufacturers, and the professional men, had 
found something else to occupy their minds. Many of 
them came into contact with Northern people and met 
there with a much friendlier feeling than they had antici- 
pated. It dawned upon them that this was, after all, a 
good country to live in, and a good government to live 
under, and a good people to live with. And it is this 
sentiment, grown up slowly but with steadily increasing 
strength and spreading among all classes of society, even 
those whose feelings against the Union were bitterest 
during and immediately after the war, that has made the 
New South as we see it to-day. 

It is not my purpose here to show in detail the economic 
growth of the South since the war. The Northern visitor 
will still be struck with the enormous difference between 
the South and the North in the matter of wealth. Travel- 
ing from State to State and attentively looking at country 



12 

and town and people, he will be apt to ask two questions. 
One is : How could Southern men, considering' the 
sparseness of their population and their comparative 
poverty, be so foolhardy as to urge the South into that 
war with the rich and populous North? And the other 
is : How was it possible for the Southern people, consid- 
ering the enormous disparity of means and resources, to 
maintain that war for four long years? 

But, although still poor, the South is decidedly richer 
than it was before the war, while, of course, its wealth is 
differently distributed. New industries have sprung up 
and old ones are better developed. The mineral resources 
are gradually drawn to light. In the iron regions of 
Alabama new towns are growing up, the appearance of 
which reminds one of Pennsylvania. Cotton mills are 
multiplying. Manufacturing establishments of various 
kinds are rising in many places. While the sugar in- 
terest in Louisiana has much declined, other branches of 
agriculture, such as tobacco in North Carolina, have 
taken a new start. The cotton crop is constantly growing 
larger. The question of decisive import is no longer only 
how the negroes will work, for the white people them- 
selves are working much better than before. The number 
of young men in the villages and small towns standing 
idle around the grocery corners is steadily decreasing. 
Among young people the tendency to devote themselves 
earnestly to useful and laborious occupations is becoming 
much more general. The poor whites of both sexes are 
in many places found to make industrious and faithful 
operatives in manufacturing establishments. 

About the working habits of the colored people differ- 
ent judgments are heard. One planter and one manu- 
facturer will praise them while another complains. After 
much investigation and inquiry, I have formed the con- 
clusion that the employers who treat the negroes most 
intelligently and fairly are usually satisfied with their 
work, while the employers who complain most are usually 
those who are most complained of. The question of 
negro labor seems to be largely a question of manage- 
ment. There may be exceptions to this rule, but not 
enough to invalidate it. The number of colored men 



13 

who have acquired property is not very large yet, but it 
is growing. I have seen negro settlements of a decidedly 
thrifty and prosperous appearance. A few colored men 
have become comparatively wealthy and live in some 
style. Tt is generally said of them that they are " im- 
provident." This is doubtless true of a large majority of 
them ; but they are only somewhat more improvident 
than their former masters who used to live on next year's 
crop. It is a question of degrees between them. Since 
their emancipation they have shown much zeal for the 
education of their young people. Here and there this 
zeal is said to have cooled a little, but, as far as I have 
observed, it has not cooled much. Their educational 
facilities are still scanty in the agricultural districts, 
where school is kept only three months in the year. A 
large portion of the colored country population is there- 
fore still lamentably ignorant. 

The most unsatisfactory feature of their condition as a 
class is a disinclination to work, shown by many of their 
young people who have grown up since the abolition of 
slavery. There is said to be a notion spreading among 
them that it is the aim and end of education to enable 
people to get on without work. This tendency is excit- 
ing a prejudice against the education of negroes not only 
among certain classes of whites, but also with some of 
the more thrifty among the negroes themselves. I heard 
of a prosperous negro farmer in Alabama owning a well- 
stocked farm of 500 acres, worked by him with his chil- 
dren, who refuses to send his boys to school because 
learning would spoil them for farm work, and who per- 
mitted only one of his girls to learn reading and writing, 
so that she might be able to keep his accounts. Here is 
a field for missionary work, which those whose public 
spirit is devoted to the elevation of the colored race 
should keep well in view. The relation of grammar to 
industry must be made tangible to the young mind, 
as it is at the Hampton Institute and several others. 
The addition of industrial teaching to the common 
school is in this respect of especial importance. Among 
those who have been slaves there are a great many 
skillful mechanics — blacksmiths, carpenters, harness- 



14 

makers, shoemakers, etc. Their sons, raised in freedom, 
seem to be less inclined to devote themselves to these 
laborious trades; and yet the negro, with his mechanical 
aptitudes, might, properly trained and guided, furnish 
the South all the handicraftsmen necessary for ordinary 
work. As it is, the negroes constitute, and will for a long 
period to come continue to constitute, the bulk of the 
agricultural laboring force in the principal cotton States, 
and every sensible Southern man recognizes them as a 
most valuable and, in fact, indispensable element in devel- 
oping the resources and promoting the prosperity of the 
South. They are there to stay, and must be made the 
best of by just and wise treatment. 

The visitor will be struck with the generally hopeful 
and cheery tone prevailing in Southern society. Their 
recovery from the disasters of the war has been more 
rapid than at first they expected. They are proud, and 
justly proud, of what they have accomplished in that 
direction. They are glad to have strangers observe it. 
Having done so much, they feel that they can do more. 
While business is in many respects depressed in the 
South, less complaint of this is heard than at the North. 
The general spirit prevailing in the South now is very 
like that characteristic of the new West ; a high appre- 
ciation of the resources and advantages of the country ; 
great expectations of future developments ; a lively desire 
to excite interest in those things, and to attract Northern 
capital, enterprise, and immigration ; a strong conscious- 
ness and appreciation of the importance to them of their 
being a part of a great, strong, prosperous, and united 
country. 

The political effect of the steady growth of such feel- 
ings has been a very natural one. It is the complete dis- 
appearance of all " disloyal " aspirations. However 
strong their desire to destroy the Union may have been 
twenty years ago, I am confident, scarcely a corporal's 
guard of men could be found in the South to-day who 
would accept the disruption of the Union if it were pre- 
sented to them. Those were right who predicted in 
the early part of the war that the abolition of slavery 
would not only break the backbone of the rebellion, but 



15 

also remove the cause of disloyalty from the South. 
This it has completely accomplished. In fact, never in 
the history of this Republic has there been a time when 
there was no disunion feeling at all in this country, until 
now. Ever since the revolutionary period until within a 
few years there have always been some people who, for 
some reason or another, desired the dissolution of the 
Union, or who thought it possible, or who speculated 
upon its effects. Now, for the first time, there is nowhere 
such a wish, or such a thought, or such a speculation. 
By everybody the "Union now and forever" is taken 
for granted. The South is thoroughly cured of the 
mischievous dream of secession, not only by the 
bloody failure of its attempt, but by the constantly grow- 
ing conviction that success would have been a terrible 
misfortune to themselves. Many a Southern man who 
had been active in the rebellion said to me in conver- 
sation about the war : " It is dreadful to think what 
would have become of us if we had won.'' They would 
fight now as gallantly to stay in the Union as twenty-two 
or three years ago they fought to get out of it. There 
is no doubt, should any danger threaten the Union again, 
the Southern people would be among its most zealous 
defenders. 

There has been a suspicion raised at the North that 
this loyal garb is put on by Southern men merely for the 
purpose of concealing secret disloyal designs. This is 
absurd. Before the war they plotted and conspired, it is 
true. But they did not keep their purposes secret. On 
the contrary, they paraded them on every possible occa- 
sion. They were outspoken enough, and it was not their 
fault if they were not believed. Whatever may be said 
of our Southern people, they have never been deep dis- 
semblers. When they say they are for the Union, they 
are just as honest as they were when they pronounced 
themselves against it. 

As to the abolition of slavery, the change of sentiment 
is no less decided. However desperately they may have 
fought against emancipation, but few men can now be 
found in the South who would restore slavery if they 
could. It is said that there are some, but I have not 



10 

been able to find one. The expression : " The war and 
the abolition of slavery have been the making of the 
South," is heard on all sides. It is generally felt that 
new social forces, new energies, have been called into 
activity, which the old state of things would have kept 
in a torpid condition. There is, therefore, no danger of 
another pro-slavery movement. The relations between 
the colored laborer and the white employer are bound 
to develop themselves upon a bona fide free labor basis. 
Of the social and political relations between the two 
races, something more will be said below. 

The distrust among Northern people as to the revival 
of loyal sentiments in the South, while in some cases 
honestly entertained, has in others been cultivated for 
political purposes. The question is asked : " Why, if 
they are loyal, do they select as their representatives 
men who were prominent in the rebellion? What about 
their reverence for Jefferson Davis ?" and so on. Every 
candid inquirer will find to these questions a simple 
answer: In the " Confederate States," a few districts ex- 
cepted, nearly all white male adults entered the military 
service. They were all" rebel soldiers." When after the 
war the Southern people had to choose public officers 
from among themselves, they were in many places liter- 
ally confined to a choice between rebel soldiers and 
negroes. In other places they were not so confined. But 
they followed the natural impulse of preferring as their 
agents and representatives men who really represented 
them, who had been with them " in the same boat " in fair 
weather and in foul. This companionship in good and ill 
fortune has in all ages and in all countries been a strong 
bond to bind men together. One rebel soldier could hard- 
ly be expected to say that another rebel soldier was un- 
worthy of public trust because of his service in the rebel 
army, for he would thus have disqualified himself. Nor was 
there necessarily any disloyalty in this — not even a rem- 
nant of it; for a rebel soldier who after the war had "accept- 
ed the situation " in perfectly good faith and sincerely re- 
solved to accommodate himself to the new order of things, 
might naturally prefer as his representative another rebel 
soldier who had ''accepted the situation" with equal 



n 

sincerity, for the representation would then be more 
honest and, probably, more efficient. 

A peculiarly terrific figure in partisan harangue is 
the " Rebel Brigadier." From the descriptions made of 
him " the Rebel Brigadier " might be supposed to be 
an incurably blackhearted traitor, still carrying the 
rebel flag under his coat to bring it out at an oppor- 
tune moment, still secretly drilling his old hosts in 
dark nights, and getting himself elected to Congress 
for the purpose of crippling the government by artfully 
contrived schemes to accomplish the destruction of the 
Union as soon as his party is well settled in power. 
Now, what kind of man is the " Rebel Brigadier " in 
reality? He belonged in the South, originally, to the 
same class to which the Union Brigadiers belonged in the 
North. After the close of the war he found himself as 
poor as the rest of his people. At first he moped and 
growled a little, and then went to work to make a living 
— as a farmer, or a lawyer, or a railroad employee, or an 
insurance man, or a book agent. Being a man of intelli- 
gence, he was among the first to open his eyes to the fact 
that the war had been — perhaps a very foolish venture 
for the South, because it was undertaken against over- 
whelming odds — and certainly a very disastrous one, be- 
cause it left nothing but wreck and ruin behind it ; one 
of those enterprises which a man of sense may delude him- 
self into once, but never again. He is now very busy re- 
pairing his fortunes in the civil walks of life, and the bet- 
ter he succeeds, the more conservative he grows, for the 
more clearly he perceives that his own fortunes are close- 
ly linked to the general prosperity of the country, and 
that everything hurtful to the country hurts him. He 
is in many instances drawn into public life by the choice 
of his neighbors. His views on questions of public policy 
may frequently be mistaken — they probably are. He may 
also be always ready to jump up in defense of his record 
and the record and character of his associates in the war. 
He shows pride of his and their gallantry in the field, as 
every soldier will do, and he is unwilling to have it said 
that his motives were infamous — a thing which but few 
men, and those not the best, are willing to hear or admit. 



18 

But having learned at his own cost what civil war is, he 
would be among the last to think of rebellion again. He 
has that military honor in him which respects the terms 
of a capitulation ; and if he has any ambition to show his 
prowess once more, it will be for the restored Union and 
not against it. 

But what does the affection for Jefferson Davis mean 
which is occasionaly displayed ? The candid inquirer 
will find that those demonstrations of affection have a 
sentimental, not a practical significance. Southern men 
do not attempt to shift the responsibility for the rebellion. 
They discriminate little among themselves as to the pro- 
portion of guilt, and in treating Jefferson Davis and 
other leaders with respect after their downfall, they think 
they are in a certain sense acting in self-defense. I have 
heard the most thoroughly " reconstructed " Southerners 
say, that if after the close of the war they had made haste 
to tear one another to pieces and to cover their leaders 
with disgrace, they would not feel themselves entitled to 
the respect of Northern gentlemen. To illustrate the 
compatibility of such sentiments with thorough loyalty 
to the Union I may quote a conversation I had with a 
young Southerner who had grown up since the war, gradu- 
ated at Harvard and become in all respects a thoroughly 
national man without the least tinge of sectional feeling 
or prejudice. Cl The Southern people," said he, " really 
trouble themselves little about Jefferson Davis. They 
have no confidence in his judgment, and would not think 
of following him again as a leader. But they do not like 
to hear it said that the leader they once followed was an 
infamous rascal. The Northern people ask too much of 
us when they insist that we should brand all such men 
with infamy. Look at my case. My father was a Con- 
federate general. I was a baby when the war broke out, 
and have studied the matter since. I think the secession 
movement was the craziest thing ever attempted, and its 
success would have been one of the most horrible mis- 
fortunes in the histoiw of the world. Now, my father 
talked, and agitated, and fought on that side. He is as 
guilty as any of them. And yet I know him to be a very 
kind, honorable, and good man in every respect, the best 



19 

man I ever saw. Would you ask me to call my father a 
black-hearted traitor? I cannot do it. He is a good and 
honest man, and is my father." 1 repeat, the young man 
who said this is one of the most enthusiastic Americans 
that ever cheered for the stars and stripes, a man who 
would willingly let his State go to the bottom to serve 
the Union. 

As to Jefferson Davis, the question of practical import- 
ance is whether he would find any followers if attempting 
to lead another movement against the national authority. 
He would not only not find any number worth speaking 
of, but such an attempt would destroy the last remnant of 
his prestige in the South at once. If he were suspected 
of having any ambitious designs involving the political 
action of the Southern people, he would instantly reveal 
himself as what he really is : A powerless old man who, 
having once led the Southern people into disaster and 
ruin, is now treated with the respect usually thought due 
to eminent misfortune, because it is believed by all that he 
will never try to do so again. The sentimental demon- 
strations in his favor, while they do sometimes touch a 
sore point at the North, are, therefore, beyond that, really 
of no practical consequence whatever. 

More pertinent is the question why the Southern 
whites, with the revival of loyal sentiment, did not in 
large numbers join the Republican party, but remained 
in mass on the Democratic side. Men of standing and 
influence in the South would, in my opinion, indeed have 
rendered a valuable service to their people had they 
put themselves into friendlier communication with the 
dominant party immediately after the war, thus to 
gain more of the confidence of the freedmen who 
naturally looked to the Republican party for guidance. 
Many difficulties might thus have been avoided. But, 
unfortunately, it was just then that President Johnson's 
indiscreet conduct turned their thoughts in a different 
direction. And, moreover, the character and con- 
duct of many of the Republicans in places of power 
in the South at that period did not invite such a 
movement. Some of the latter preferred to organize 
the negroes as a political force under their own abso- 



20 

lute leadership. And thus the Republican party, in 
some of the Southern States at least, became that or- 
ganization of ignorance led by rapacity, by which the 
Southern whites felt themselves virtually forced, in 
spite of the divergencies of political opinion among them, 
to rally under the Democratic banner. The bond which 
held them together, was the common fear of negro 
domination. This fear exercised an influence more or 
less strong as the danger of negro predominance was 
locally more or less threatening. But for this one ele- 
ment of political cohesion, that which is called " the 
Solid South " would ere this have dropped to pieces. 
And as that element of cohesion loses its strength, the 
South will, no doubt, gradually cease to be " solid." 

Of this the premonitory symptoms are already ap- 
parent. The common interest, as Southern men con- 
ceive it, of preventing negro domination in their own 
borders, is essentially of a defensive character. But the 
Southern States have no longer any common object to 
carry aggressively against the interests of the rest of 
the country, as they had, for instance, when they were 
fighting for the expansion of slavery. There is, there- 
fore, no longer any distinctive " Southern policy " in the 
old sense. The economic interests of the South and 
of the North are becoming more and more alike. There 
is no longer any essential difference between them as 
between two countries whose material development re- 
quires, respectively, different means and policies. Eco- 
nomic questions are no longer discussed between the 
sections, but within them. As to the tariff, for instance, 
it looks as if the protection sentiment were gaining 
ground in the South as it is losing ground in the 
North. Although the " cause of silver " is strong in 
the South, yet nobody will pretend that there is 
unanimity about it or that it is felt to be a peculiarly 
Southern interest. About these things, as well as the 
matter of internal revenue, the subject of banking, civil 
service reform, temperance legislation, etc., there is 
enough difference of opinion among Southern men who 
now call themselves Democrats, to produce serious 



21 

effects as soon as the apprehension of common danger 
disappears. 

The "time-honored principles" of the Democratic 
party, as far as they refer to theories of government, 
have become somewhat obscure as to their identity in 
the Southern mind, and are correspondingly weakened 
as to their influence in Southern politics. Many of the 
older men there, indeed, still delight in an argument 
about a point of " strict construction," and in quoting 
Jefferson's first inaugural. But to the common run of 
mankind in the South the Virginia and Kentucky resolu- 
tions of 1798 have ceased to be known byname, and even 
a good many of the older men, when it comes to a prac- 
tical application of their political principles, are not at 
all disinclined to admit considerable latitude in the 
exercise of the national power, if it promises them any 
local advantage. Indeed, it might even be said that 
many Southern men in these days seem inclined to favor 
— perhaps not in theory but certainly in practice — rather 
too loose than too strict a construction of the constitu- 
tional functions of the general government. 

Moreover, there is a generation of young men grow 
ing up in the South who, when the present and prospect- 
ive condition of the South is discussed at the North, are 
in most cases left altogether out of view. And yet, in 
point of fact, in a very few years an absolute majority 
of the voters of the South will consist of men who never 
saw a Confederate flag, who never in their lives saw a 
negro that was not a freeman, and who know of slavery 
only as a thing of mere historic interest, which in its day 
did a great deal of mischief to the country, and upon 
which the enlightened opinion of mankind has recorded 
its judgment. Whatever foolish attempts may have been 
made by some persons in the South immediately after 
the war to educate their posterity in hatred of the 
North and of the Union, these young men draw their 
ideas and aspirations entirely from the new order of 
things. The political battle cries of old times are to them 
almost meaningless vociferation ; their minds are absorbed 
by present cares and interests of far greater importance 
to them. A good many of them are ambitious to accom- 



22 

plish something in the world, to make their abilities tell, 
and to that end to infuse some new life into the old South- 
ern communities. They grow impatient at the slow pace 
of the old time " war horses," and of the solemn dignitaries 
who still cling to traditional notions and ways ; they 
speak with remarkable irreverence of the antiquated 
pretensions of the old " chivalry," and have as little 
sympathy with the narrow views of the farmer politician 
who would rather see a good system of public instruc- 
tion go to the bottom than make a decent appropriation 
of money for the support of it. A good many young 
men answering this description are beginning to show 
an active interest in public affairs ; not a few have al- 
ready become members of Southern Legislatures, and 
they will, of course, in rapidly increasing numbers push 
to the front, and at no distant day occupy the places of 
controlling influence. Their feelings are throughout 
strongly national, and in several places 1 found among 
them evidences of a very intelligent and stirring public 
spirit. They have so far " gone with the party," but 
there is much independent thinking among them, which, 
no doubt, in the course of time will determine their polit- 
ical action. Some exceptions may be found, but not 
many. 

In this respect the change taking place in the political 
attitude of the colored people can scarcely fail to pro- 
duce far-reaching effects. The two races in the South 
have been kept in relations of mutual fear by the appre- 
hension on one side that negro domination meant ruin to 
the people, and that the continued ascendancy of the 
Republican party threatened a return of negro domina- 
tion, and on the other side, that a victory of the Demo- 
cratic party in a national election would mean the 
restoration of slavery. The latter belief had been in- 
dustriously kept alive by Republican politicians and 
colored preachers, and was much more generally enter- 
tained among the negroes than might be thought pos- 
sible. In fact, as soon as the result of the late presiden- 
tial election became known in the South, very many of 
the former slaves went to their former masters to offer 
themselves anew for service. 



23 

Of this fear the colored people are now thoroughly 
cured. They looked upon the Republican party as the 
natural protector of their freedom, and upon that protec- 
tion as necessary to them. They have now discovered 
that this necessity no longer exists, and that, as to their 
freedom, they need not be afraid of the Democrats. This 
experience has set a good many of them to thinking 
about some other things, especially about their social 
status, and the means by which to improve it. 

There are two different standards by which to judge the 
treatment the negro receives in the South : one is a com- 
parison with the treatment white people mete out to one 
another, and the other is a comparison with the treat- 
ment the negro receives at the North. Applying the first 
standard, we find the difference undoubtedly very great 
in all those relations of life which are not effectively regu- 
lated by law. But comparing, in this respect, the South 
with the North, the difference will be found small, and it 
is accounted for in a great measure by the obvious differ- 
ence in the mental and moral condition of the colored 
people, and their significance in the social body at the 
North and the South respectively. The Northern negroes 
have, with few exceptions, been freemen all their lives, 
and their parents before them ; most of them are tolerably 
well educated, and they form only a small percentage of 
the population, so small indeed that as a constituent ele- 
ment of society they are scarcely of any consequence. 
While there are in Southern towns not a few negroes 
comparing very favorably with those we see in the 
North, a large part of the colored population of the 
South consists of plantation hands, a class of persons en- 
tirely unknown in the Northern country. Emancipation 
found many of them only a few removes from absolute 
barbarism, and no educational efforts could have lifted 
them very high above that state in one generation. The 
colored population, with such eletnents in it, forms in 
some of the Southern States a majority, in others a strong 
minority of the people, heavily preponderating in cer- 
tain geographical districts. The negro in the South is, 
therefore, a very different, being from the negro in the 
North in point of quality and of quantity, and of his 



24 

practical relations to the interests of society. As to the 
spirit in which the negro is treated the two sections cor- 
respondingly differ somewhat, but not very much. As a 
matter of fact, there is among the white people of the 
North as well as of the South a wide-spread feeling that 
the two races do not belong together. In neither of the 
two sections do they, therefore, mingle socially upon an 
equal footing. But as to those public accommodations 
and conveniences, the equal enjoyment of which is usually 
put under the head of " civil rights," a difference in the 
treatment colored people receive is perceptible between 
the North and the South ; it is, however, mainly one 
of degrees, and not very great. Neither is the treatment 
of negroes the same in all the Southern States. I have 
traveled with negroes— I mean colored persons trav- 
eling independently, not as servants accompanying 
their employers — in first- class railway cars as well as 
street cars, not only in the North, but also in the South — 
in some Southern States at least. In Georgia the rail- 
road companies have to provide to the colored people 
separate cars, of the same quality, however, as furnished 
to white people paying the same fare, while in Tennessee, 
as I am informed, colored passengers are invariably 
turned into the smoking cars. I found at several railroad 
stations in the South separate waiting rooms for colored 
people, a discrimination which is not made at the North. 
I have never met any colored people as guests in the 
dining rooms of first-class hotels, either at the South or 
the North. I have seen colored people sitting in the 
same rows with whites at lectures, in at least one or two 
instances in the South, and several times in the North. 
In the South the two races do not attend the same 
churches and schools, and this, as I have been as- 
sured by colored and white people alike, in ac- 
cordance, not only with the wishes of the whites, but 
also with the preference of the colored people themselves, 
who in many places have shown a desire even to have 
their white teachers supplanted by persons of color. In 
the North whites and negroes have sat together in 
schools and churches, and here and there do so now ; but, 
if I am rightly informed, in most places where the num- 



25 

ber of colored people is considerable, they have separated. 
This separation is, of course, more voluntary in the 
North than in the South, but it is generally favored by 
colored preachers and teachers for business reasons. 
We hear, from time to time, of inoffensive colored people 
being - brutally ejected from public places and means of 
conveyance, and such stories come unquestionably oftener 
from the South than from the North. The spirit which 
prompts such brutalities is, of course, the same every- 
where. It is more frequently met with in the South, 
partly because the contact between the two races is more 
frequent, and partly because there is still a larger class 
of whites in the South who feel so little confident, and 
therefore so restless, concerning their superiority over 
the negro, that they avail themselves of every chance to 
make sure of it by some outward demonstration. And 
the frontier tone still prevailing in the sparsely-settled 
districts of the South is apt to make such demonstra- 
tions peculiarly rude. There is but little, if any, 
difference between the North and the South 
as to the sentiment prevailing about such things in what 
may properly be called the best society, for a gentleman 
of genuine self-respect will never fear any danger for his 
dignity in meeting with people of ever so lowly a station, 
or in respecting their rights. 

It has frequently been asserted, and probably not with- 
out reason, that on the whole the colored race meets 
with more cordial kindness among the white people of 
the South than those of the North. The difference may 
be defined thus: In the South more kindness, in the 
North more justice. Kindness is warm, but arbitrary; 
justice is cold, but impartial. I am, however, inclined to 
think that, but for the low moral and intellectual con- 
dition of the plantation negroes, and the dread inspired 
by their number, and the race-antagonisms on the politi- 
cal field, the general relations between the colored people 
and the whites would indeed be more satisfactory, more 
agreeable, in the South than in the North, and I believe 
that as the negroes become better educated, and as the 
change in their political attitude takes place to which I 
shall refer below, their " civil rights" will, even without 



26 

further legal machinery, find fully as much protection in 
the South as in the North, and perhaps more. 

The election of a Democratic President has been to 
the negro a great blessing, for it has delivered him of two 
dangerous delusions ; one, that the success of the Demo- 
cratic party in a national election would make him a 
slave again, and the other, that by acting together as a 
race, the negroes could wield in politics a controlling in- 
fluence with much profit to themselves. They know now 
that their freedom is assured whatever party wins, and 
that it is not necessary for them to herd together in a 
political party of their own for self-defense. They know 
also that they can never hope again to become the ruling 
power in politics as they felt themselves to be for a time 
under the leadership of Republican adventurers, and 
that, therefore, negro politics in the old way will never 
pay them again. This will help them to understand that 
they will best serve their race by identifying themselves 
closely with the general interest. 

The state of mind produced among the negroes by this 
revelation can scarcely be better expressed than in the 
language of an address delivered by an intelligent colored 
politician, a United States mail agent, before a colored 
debating club in a Southern city during my visit there. 
Of this address I was fortunate enough to secure the 
manuscript. The title was " The effect of the incoming 
administration upon the negro race." After setting forth 
that the election of a Democratic president did not, as 
had been apprehended, threaten the freedom of the negro, 
it proceeded: " Man cannot live upon bread alone, nor 
can a race achieve civil and political success by politics 
alone. Education, wealth and morality must keep pace 
with political progress in order for that progress to be of 
a lasting and permanent character. Having given nearly 
twenty years to vain endeavors to secure full and com- 
plete civil and political rights under Republican rule, and 
having failed, Democratic restoration destroys all hope of 
securing them with the ballot ; therefore, the negro will 
eliminate himself from the body politic. His ambitions 
and aspirations will naturally turn to the obtaining of 
money, property, education, and the improvement of his 



27 

morals. And when he shall have spent as much time and 
consideration upon these subjects as he has upon poli- 
tics, his condition will be advanced a hundred per cent. 
The bugbear ' negro domination ' being removed by 
national Democratic success, will bring about a better 
local feeling between the two races, and also be the means 
of producing division in the ranks of the party that is now 
held together by fear and race prejudices. That Demo- 
cratic success will benefit rather than injure the negro 
race is fast making itself manifest to every thoughtful 
reader of the signs of the times. Too much politics and 
not enough of the other substantialities of life has done 
the race more harm than Democratic opposition." 

This, no doubt, expresses the general sentiments of 
educated colored people in the South. It means the end 
of race politics. But it does not mean the end of negro 
voting. About this, too, the orator here quoted had some- 
thing to say: " Hereafter the negro, in casting his vote, 
will be governed by his immediate interest. If A, a 
Democrat, runs for office against B, a Republican, he will 
not vote for B, simply because he is a Republican, nor for 
A, simply because he is a Democrat ; but he will vote for 
the one who will do that which will be to his interest. 
No one can call this ingratitude on his part, for he has 
more than paid the debt of gratitude he owed the Re- 
publican party for his freedom." Indeed, the phrase that 
the debt of gratitude to the Republican party was more 
than paid, I heard from so many colored men in nearly 
the same language, that it seemed almost as if the word 
had been passed around among them. This simply signi- 
fies a strong tendency among the negroes of the South to 
go over to the Democrats, and to put themselves in accord 
with "their white neighbors and friends." Many of them 
openly avow this intention. 

The consequences will inevitably be what they always 
are under such circumstances. In most of the 
Southern States the Democratic party will be substan- 
tially without opposition. The common dread of negro 
domination which held it together in spite of internal 
differences of opinion on other points will have vanished. 
These differences will make themselves felt more 



28 

strongly and widely. Independent movements will multi- 
ply. Most of these will probably at first not turn on 
national politics, but on home questions. Instead of 
driving the negro away from the ballot-box, each Demo- 
cratic faction will try to strengthen itself by getting as 
much as possible of the colored vote. The negro will 
thus be virtually dragged to the polls again by Demo- 
cratic hands. Instances of this on a small scale, in local 
contests, have already been witnessed. When different 
candidates or factions of the Democratic party, or two 
different parties, outbid one another for the colored vote, 
the negro's rights will, of course, find the most efficient 
protection in that very competition for their political 
favor, and the effect will also be gradually to soften the 
harshness of civil discrimination in the way above in- 
dicated. Thus the original object for which negro 
suffrage was instituted, the protection of the freedman's 
rights, will, indeed, have been accomplished by it. Of 
course, as soon as the colored vote breaks up, it will cease 
to be a political force on the side of the Republican party. 
Republican politicians complain already that the intro- 
duction of negro suffrage has served only to give the 
Southern States a larger proportion of votes in Congress 
and in the Electoral College than they otherwise would 
have had, and that this increase tells almost wholly in 
favor of the Democrats. It has, indeed, had that effect 
with regard to the relative strength of parties; but there 
is nothing surprising in this. When the matter of negro 
suffrage was under discussion there were far seeing men 
enough who predicted that, as is usually the case with a 
population at the same time ignorant, and poor, and de- 
pendent, the vote of the negro would, for a long period 
to come, really not be his own; that it would virtually be 
cast by the political leader, probably a demagogue, or by 
the employer. This prediction, in the very face of which 
negro suffrage was introduced, stands justified. The 
demagogue cast the bulk of the colored vote as long as 
the negro was in dread as to his freedom. That appre- 
hension being dispelled, the employer, or rather the em- 
ployer class, will control the bulk of it now — until the 
negro shall have become sufficiently educated and inde- 



29 

pendent to think and act for himself. This may be con- 
sidered a grievance by the Republican politician. But 
the Republican of conscience and principle will not for- 
get that just in this way negro suffrage has accom- 
plished the paramount object for which the true Republi- 
can desired its introduction, namely, the protection of 
the freedman's rights, and that it was probably the only 
way in which that end could be reached. 

But as the old antagonisms cease and the negro vote is 
bid for by different interests among the employers, it will 
be apt to become a regular article of trade, and an ele- 
ment of gross corruption in Southern politics. In casting 
about for remedies to be applied Southern men will do 
well to consider that, consistently with the new order of 
things, this evil can be mitigated only by bringing the 
colored people under the best possible educational influ- 
ences, and by encouraging among them the acquisition 
of property, and thereby the creation of a conservative 
interest calculated to bring the responsibility of voters 

home to them. 

The accession of a large body of colored voters will, 
of course, make the Democratic party in the South much 
stronger than before. But it is probable that, in the ab- 
sence of the cohesive power of common fears and of a 
distinctively Southern policy, the divisions on local ques- 
tions which have already taken place, will facilitate the 
formation of new groupings on questions of a national 
character, and that the South, at a day not very distant, 
will cease to figure as a " solid " quantity in our national 

elections. 

But whether this takes place in four, or in eight, or in 
twelve years, no unprejudiced observer will fail to recog- 
nize the fact that the Rebellion is really over, and that 
those who still speak of the white people of the South as 
" unregenerated rebels, as disloyal and as bitter as ever," 
betray either lamentable ignorance or something much 

worse. 

I think it safe to affirm that to-day, twenty years after 
the close of the war, the Southern people are as loyal to 
the Union as the people of any part of the country, that 
they fully understand and profoundly feel the value 



30 

of their being part of it, and that a disunion movement 
would find no more adherents in South Carolina than in 
Massachusetts. I think it also safe to sa)% that whatever 
atrocities may have happened during that terrible period 
of sudden transition from one social order to another, the 
relations between the white and black races are now in 
progress of peaceful and friendly adjustment, and that the 
disappearance of race antagonism on the political field 
will do more for the safety of the negro's rights and the 
improvement of his position in human society than could 
be done by any intervention of mere power. 

If there are any dangerous political tendencies percep- 
tible among the Southern people, the) 7 are not such as are 
frequently used as bugbears to frighten the loyal senti- 
ment of the North, but rather lie in the opposite direc- 
tion. There is no longer any danger of a stubborn ad- 
herence to State rights doctrines of an anti-national char- 
acter. The danger is rather in an inclination to look too 
much to the national government for benefits to be con- 
ferred upon the people of the Southern States — an incli- 
nation cropping out in a variety of ways of far greater 
practical significance than mere discussions on theories 
of government. Neither is there any danger that in con- 
sequence of the Democratic victory in the national elec- 
tion the negro will be deprived of his right to vote; the 
danger is rather that, as the Democrats divide among 
themselves, the negro will be drawn to the polls and made 
to vote more than he otherwise would, by demoralizing 
inducements. 

It is also to be apprehended that large numbers of peo- 
ple in the South, under the influence of their struggle 
with poverty or with chronic embarrassments, will long 
be subject to those delusions on economic questions 
which are at the bottom of the fiat money idea and the 
silver movement, and that, as they see a prospect for an 
industrial development in the South, extreme protection 
theories may grow strong there by the time the North is 
through with them. But these things are not peculiar to 
the South. There is nothing of a " peculiar institution," 
of a " Southern policy '' in them. A "friend of silver" 
in Texas cannot possibly be hotter than a " friend of sil- 



31 

ver " in Colorado. The fiat-money man in Mississippi 
borrows his arguments from the fiat-money man in Ohio; 
and the free-trader in South Carolina or the protectionist 
in Northern Alabama is substantially of the same mind 
with the free-trader in Minnesota or the protectionist 
in Pennsylvania. There is no longer any division of 
political aims and motives marked by Mason's and Dixon's 
line. The errors which the Southern people are liable 
to commit with regard to all these things may be 
grievous enough, but they will not be peculiarly South- 
ern errors ; and in the eyes of sensible men they will not 
furnish even a plausible pretext for keeping alive sec- 
tional suspicions and animosities. 

The election of a Democratic President, whatever else 
may be hoped or apprehended from it, has certainly had 
two immediate results of great importance. It has con- 
vinced every candid man in the country that the South- 
ern people were not, as had been apprehended by some, 
waiting for the advent of the Democratic party to power 
to put forth disloyal sentiments and schemes, but that 
the victory of the party supported by them was rather 
esteemed by them as an opportunity for a demonstration 
of national feeling; and, secondly, it has proven to the 
country in general, and in particular to the negroes, that 
the freedom and rights of the late slave do not depend 
upon the predominance of any political party, but are safe 
under one as well as the other. 

These points being settled, the public mind may hence- 
forth rest in the assurance that the period of the rebellion 
is indeed a thing of the past; that the existence of the 
government and the legitimate results of the war are no 
longer in jeopardy, whatever political party may carry 
the elections, and that the American people can, without 
fear of any darkly lurking danger, give themselves to 
the discussion of questions of political ethics, or of ad- 
ministration, or of political economy, treating them upon 
their own proper merits. This consummation may be 
unwelcome to that class of politicians whose main stock 
in trade has long consisted in unwholesome sectional dis- 
trusts and animosities carefully nursed, and who, there- 
fore, make it a business to blow up any savage freak of a 



32 

Southern ruffian into a crime of the Southern people, 
or the harmless lunacy of any Southern "crank" into a 
serious danger to the Union. But to the patriotic 
American the welfare of the Republic is after all dearer 
than the political capital of any party. The more 
enthusiastic he was as a Union man, the more sincerely 
happy he will be to see the Union fully restored, and 
held together, not by force of arms, but by a common 
national pride, and common interests, and hopes, and 
aspirations. The more earnest he was as an enemy of 
slavery the more he will rejoice to find the rights of the 
freedman secured by his friendly relations with his white 
neighbors. Instead of eagerly seizing upon every chance 
for sowing suspicion and bitterness between the North 
and the South, he will hail with gladness all evidences 
of returned fraternal feeling, and he will not be ashamed 
to own that even those who during the war stood against 
him as enemies, had, as fellow-citizens, his sympathy in 
the calamities they had brought upon themselves, and 
that his heartiest wishes are with them for the success 
of every honorable effort to repair their fortunes and to 
resume their places in the citizenship of this Republic. 



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